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The mystery of Europe’s new ‘left conservative’ group 

3 months ago 8

The aspirations of Alliance Sahra Wagenknecht (BSW), Germany’s rising ‘left-conservative’ party, to form a new group in the European Parliament remain under wraps, as other leftists seem, so far, to keep their distance. 

According to projections, Germany’s BSW, a rising breakaway party of the progressive Die Linke, could become the largest delegation to the left of the Greens after the European Parliament elections.

Last month, BSW announced that it had rallied enough partners to launch a new left-wing group in the EU parliament, putting leftists on edge, as a new BSW-led group could break up GUE/NGL, the existing left-wing group.

But changes to the existing structures in the left camp seem inevitable to some members.

“The Left Group will still be there after the elections, though probably not in the completely same form as it is now,” said Silvia Modig, sole MEP of Finland’s Vasemmistoliitto (GUE/NGL). 

However, as no allies of BSW have come forward, it is not known who their partners might be, leading to Die Linke presuming it is an election ploy.

“It was agreed to keep the negotiations quiet,” BSW lead candidate Fabio de Masi told Euractiv, declining to reveal information until after the election. 

Members of the existing Left in the European Parliament group (GUE/NGL), in particular its Nordic parties, that could be reached for comment denied talks.

Euractiv understands that the group’s largest members, Die Linke and France’s La France Insoumise, are also not involved. De Masi recently appeared to rule out Greece’s Syriza, which “has been down” since it was taken over by a “multimillionaire.” 

A key reason why Left parties publicly distance themselves from such plans could be BSW’s ideological positioning, which is controversial among some of GUE/NGL’s national members who see BSW as right-leaning.

BSW’s talking points include tirades against allegedly regressive green policies, “cancel culture”, and “the regulatory frenzy of the EU technocracy”, as the party wants to transfer power back to member states. 

The party’s charismatic leader, Wagenknecht, has also – more than other German leftists – banked on opposition against weapon deliveries to Ukraine and sanctions against Russia, which she sees as harming European consumers. Some have even called her pro-Russian. 

De Masi, however, dismissed such statements saying that “none of us are saying that Putin is an exemplary democrat or anything like that”.

BSW’s ideology derives from the “conflict between the social interests of the majority and (…) large corporations,” he told Euractiv.

He emphasised that he wants to focus on economic injustice in parliament, having made a name for himself in prosecuting white-collar crime as an MEP and MP for Die Linke.

He sees BSW as committed to diplomacy and opposing the alleged burden on lower classes owed to the impact of EU sanctions on the European economy.

However, de Masi agreed with critics that BSW is not ‘left-wing’, claiming the label no longer stands for fighting economic injustice.  

Manuel Müller, a European politics expert at the Finnish Institute of International Affairs (FIIA), told Euractiv that BSW represents “Eurosceptic left-conservatism”. 

There is a “strong nostalgic element” in BSW’s ideology, “which leads to a greater ideological overlap and compatibility with right-wing populist parties”, he said. 

This may deliver a clue that BSW’s allies are to be found outside GUE/NGL, said Müller, pointing to unaffiliated parties such as Slovakia’s ruling Social Democrats (Smer) and Italy’s Five Star Movement (M5S).  

A representative of Smer told Euractiv that they are not negotiating with BSW, while the same is true for M5S, Euractiv understands.

But both Smer and M5S represent an ideological mix that is partially similar to BSW, said Müller. Both have, therefore, been unable to fit in with existing left groups, stranding with the Non-Inscrits.

They would also meet de Masi’s condition that partners need to be “relevant in their country” and back “diplomacy and conflict resolution” but not belong to the far-right. 

Regardless of their declarations, both Smer and M5S would benefit in principle from allying with BSW, as it would mark the first time that there is enough support to form a group with like-minded forces.

However, the uncertainty surrounding the new group formation appears to raise hopes among BSW’s GUE/NGL opponents that its German rise will amount to little in Brussels.

“I note that our members stand to make gains in several countries,” said MEP Nikolaj Villumsen of Denmark’s Enhedslisten (GUE/NGL). 

*Max Griera contributed reporting 

[Edited by Aurélie Pugnet/René Moerland/Alice Taylor] 

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